There have been some interesting
arguments trotted out against the “LOBOS are a bad thing” thesis,
which in the light of the forthcoming documentary, I would like to talk about. If you haven't read my first piece on Lender Option Borrower Option (LOBO's) loans, by banks to local authorities and housing associations, you'll need to first.
Some of these arguments are irrelevant. Others I don't believe to be true.
Some of these arguments are irrelevant. Others I don't believe to be true.
First I'd like to make a couple of 'so what' points. So these are true, but irrelevant.
(This is quite a technical post. If you're new to LOBO's you might find this post, which also rebuts many of the arguments made in the documentary, more straightforward.)
(This is quite a technical post. If you're new to LOBO's you might find this post, which also rebuts many of the arguments made in the documentary, more straightforward.)
Yes, true, but so what:
1: LOBOS are not derivatives - yes, but so what
Technically they are not. However they
certainly sound like them (they have the word 'option' in the name,
twice). And from an economic, if not a legal, perspective they
contain derivative like payoffs, which can be priced with derivative
pricing models.
But, so what? I don't personally have a
problem with Local Authorities (LA's) dealing in derivatives, or things that sound like
derivatives but actually aren't. After all consumers can buy fixed
rate mortgages with the option to repay.
However this only works if the fixed
rate mortgage, or LOBO, market is properly competitive. Because the
consumer has no way of pricing the interest rate option in the fixed
rate mortgage, they need to assume the market is pricing it
correctly. See the 3rd point.
2: Local authorities did not deal with investment bank traders - yes, but so what?
So the fact that a hard nosed
investment bank trader wasn't talking directly to a local authority
treasurer is considered a good thing. Instead the trader was
talking to an investment bank sales guy, who may have been dealing with a
corporate bank sales guy, who was probably going through a brokerage house, who might have been contacted via the treasury consultants, who were hired by the LA
treasurer.
(Ironically although the trader knew he
was dealing with an LA; it's quite possible that the treasurer had no
idea that there was an investment bank trader making the deal happen.)
There is a curious myth that
intermediation in the financial sector somehow automatically protects
people from being ripped off. It doesn't. So most of the people who
invested in Madoff for example didn't even know that is what they
were doing. They were investing in a pension fund, which invested in
a fund of funds, which invested in a feeder fund, which invested in
Madoff.
(Intermediation does one thing for sure,
which is add costs on. That is why there is such a trend now for
'fintech' companies that mediate directly between consumers. The economies of scale that the established players have
seem to be swamped by the costs of multiple levels of mediation.)
The only thing that can protect people
is properly competitive markets and/or good advice from people in the
mediation chain who are properly representing the interests of the
ultimate buyer. See the next point, 3.
A variation of this argument is that
this is just normal bank lending, and the investment bank element was
limited to an internal hedging function. This is semantics. The deals
couldn't have happened without the investment bank desk pricing and
hedging the risk on each individual trade.
Much more like an internal hedging
function was the mortgage hedging busines I was also involved with,
where every month a chunk of mortgage option risk would be hedged
internally, and the desk faced the group treasury desk rather than
individual mortgage borrowers.
Again though this should only bother
you if you automatically assume something bad is happening when an
investment bank, rather than a cuddly retail bank, is involved. Tell
that to all the people currently claiming on their PPI.
And now for the myths (things I don't believe are true):
3: Local authorities got proper advice in a competitive and functioning market
There are two arguments against this.
The first is to say, if they did get such good advice, why did they
still do the trades when the margins were so high? This assumes of
course the trades were a bad idea; for which you can look at the next
point.
The second point is to look at the
mechanics of how the market worked. So local authorities got advice
from two main sources. Firstly treasury consultants. Interestingly
some LA's didn't use treasury consultants on certain deals and don't
seem to have been any worse or better off. I don't know much about
the competence or incentive of treasury consultants, but I will note
that certain consultants said 'they wouldn't touch LOBO's with a
barge pole'. Eithier they, or the other consultants, are wrong.
The second source was the brokers who
were supposed to operate a competitive auction. What I found out only
recently as that it was quite common for the brokers to be paid by
the LA's. What I already knew was that they were also being paid, on
the deals I knew about anyway, by the banks (I wonder if the LA's
knew this?). And I knew that the banks were under huge pressure to
pay commissions to brokers at a certain level to get the deals done. Brokers also paid treasury consultants a proportion of the commission they received from the banks.
The incentives are clearly wrong here.
Now it might have been the case that the brokers always gave the LA
borrower the best possible deal, regardless of which brokerage fee
was being offered. I have no way of knowing. But a situation in which
someone is being incentivised by both parties is.... interesting.
When selling my house if I knew that the estate agent was getting a
'commission' (to use a polite word for a backhander) from the buyer
whilst negotiating the price, I'd be...... interested.
As an ex investment banker I'm biased. I don't think the banks did anything legally wrong, although I personally had serious qualms about the whole business. But someone, somewhere, was giving LA's some seriously bad and/or biased advice; and if that was because they were being paid a commission from the wrong place then they would have been acting illegally.
4 - LOBOS were / are cheaper than borrowing from the Public works loan board (PWLB)
Short answer; yes, otherwise only an idiot would have done the trade but long answer not really if you compare like with like.
(Many LOBO's are much longer than this.
However the curve is quite flat after this, the equivalent duration
of the LOBO deals is similar to this; and it's also a liquid point
which the PWLB quotes. The maths for longer deals is even more
depressing for borrowers as well.)
From the chart above 25 year swap rates
were running at about 5% in the early 2000's about 11 years ago, and
the PWLB rate was about 0.25% above that; 5.25%. A very good LOBO
rate would have been 4.75% (steeper discounts were available for
longer deals).
The LA could have borrowed from the
PWLB. They could have done so on a short term or long term basis. The
long run deal would have cost around 5.25%.
The difference between the long run
PWLB rate and the LOBO rate is that the latter includes the option.
What was that option worth? At least the difference between 4.75% and
5.25% (which is worth around 15 x 0.5% = £750K, plus a conservative
estimate would be that the bank made a £250K profit on this trade.
Call it a round million quid.
(15 is roughly the "duration" on this loan)
Let's also pretend that the PWLB could
offer LOBO's. Being a public body they wouldn't have charged the LA's
anything (it's just moving money around in the government after all) over and above the 25bp spread they were charging on the loan.
They could have offered the LOBO at 0.66% below their normal rate;
4.58%
(0.66% is the effective £1m value of the option turned into a reduced payment on the loan by dividing by 15).
So they could have:
a) borrowed from the PWLB on a short
term basis, rolling over the loans
b) borrowed from the PWLB on a long
term basis, at 5.25%
c) done a 25 year "PWLBOBO" at 4.58%
d) done a 25 year LOBO at 4.75%
Of course (c) and (d) are a like with like comparision; though (c) isn't really available in reality.
Fast forward to today. How have things turned out?
Fast forward to today. How have things turned out?
a) in retrospect was the best option.
They would currently be paying about 1.6%, having paid an average of
around 3% over the term. They could lock in a 3.45% rate for the rest
of the remaining term (around 14 years) at no cost.
b) They are still borrowing at 5.25%.
They could ask the PWLB to break the loan. Very roughly this would
cost about 10 x (5.25% - 3.45%) = £1.8 million. They could then
refinance at 3.45% for the rest of the term.
(10 is roughly the duration on the 14
year term that remains)
c) They are still paying 4.58%. The
break up cost on the loan would be 10 x (4.58% - 3.45%) = £1.1
million plus the remaining value of the option. Let's assume the
option has lost some of it's value, but is still worth £700K (given
the length of the trade, and where forward curves are, this isn't
unreasonable). So the break up cost would be the same, around £1.8
million. Again they could then refinance at 3.45%.
d) They are still paying 4.75%. The
break up cost on the loan would be 10 x (4.75% - 3.45%) = £1.3
million. The option again is still worth £700K. The break up cost is
£2 million. The difference between this and (c), £200K, is what is left of the banks profit
margin (some of this they've effectively taken already in earlier
years due to charging 4.75% rather than 4.58%).
Okay, so any form of fixed rate financing was a
bad move, but we only know that in retrospect. Sensible borrowers use
both fixed and floating financing; they do not make bets on interest
rates in eithier direction. A 50:50 mixture of (a) and (b) would have a break up fee of £900K right now.
However any implication that doing a LOBO was some kind of
genius move is wrong. The genius move would have been doing a
floating rate deal.
So “It still is the case that for
Leeds that the average rate paid on our LOBO portfolio is below that
paid on our PWLB debt.”
(http://www.room151.co.uk/treasury/does-lobo-gate-really-exist/)
would only be true if they had a portfolio that overwhelmingly
contained long term fixed rate debt.
With these slightly contrived numbers the LA is
indifferent between the two PWLB loans (b) and (c). The LOBO option (d) is the worst move
of all.
Okay, you can argue that my numbers could be
a bit different, with say a lower option value of £400K (which is unlikely, but I'll let you have that for a moment); and the
message would change:
a) Still has a break up cost of zero.
b) £1.8 million
c) £1.1 million + £400K = £1.5m
d) £1.3 million + £400K = £1.7m
Now the LOBO (d) is slightly better
than (b), though not (c) or (a).
It depends on your term of reference.
In retrospect the best deal was still (a), then (c) [which
unfortunately was never offered] and then (d). However all this means
is that the council has taken a gamble which happens to have paid
off.
This would have only made sense if they
could have predicted the future. But if they could do that, they
would have gone with (a). I'll explore this more below in the next
point.
However at the time of the initial
trade (a), (b) and (c) had equal expected value; whereas (d) was
£250K worse. So without predicting the future you would never have
gone for (d).
To labour the point, how do you judge your treasurer? Do you look at their ability to predict the future, and look at how things have turned out? Then doing a LOBO was at best slightly better than two terrible alternative options for long term borrowing. Or do you look at what they did at the time and look at their performance with the information that was available then? Then the PWLB long or short rates were both equivalent, and the LOBO deal was definitely worse.
By the way all this analysis assumes a fairly
conservative profit on the initial deal. Most of the research I have
seen indicates profits were much larger than this. Also deals were
generally much longer than this (again usually meaning larger
profits); meaning options would hardly have fallen in value, never
mind by 60%. In the vast majority of real cases the break up fee on the LOBO will be greater than on the long run PWLB loan.
This brings us on to the related
point...
5: LOBOS were / have been a great deal for local authorities
Imagine a council finance committee
meeting that probably never happened.
The treasurer (who understands LOBOs in
great detail) has explained clearly that a LOBO consists of several
things which economically add up to the LOBO as:
- a loan at PWLB rates fixed for a
certain number of years (say 5.25% as above)
- an agreement by the bank to reduce
the loan rate (by say 0.5% as above)
- a 'not a derivative' options contract
where the bank has the right to raise rates, and effectively cancel
the loan, in the future
The treasurer is then told by his
councillors that they were seriously worried about the 3rd
component of the LOBO's. Effectively the council has taken on an
uninsured risk (that the deals would be broken early, if interest
rates rose enough) which is just as dangerous as not insuring their
council buildings for fire risk. They ask the treasurer to find
someone who would insure them, and pay an insurance payment annually
to cover against this risk.
Of course the treasurer doesn't take on
the insurance, because it's cost would have been too high*. It needs
to be to cover the second component, and to make the bank's their
profits (of which more in a second), and pay all the commissions due
to the intermediaries. As we've seen the insurance payment plus the
LOBO would have been more expensive than borrowing from the PWLB; the
difference being the banks profit. If we use the numbers above the
insurance contract would have cost about £1 million upfront, or
0.66% a year. The whole deal would have been costing 5.41%; more than
the PWLB rate.
(* also ironically, this probably would
have been viewed legally as a derivatives contract which the LA
wouldn't have been allowed to do...)
Instead the treasurer crosses their
fingers and hopes nothing bad happens. Let's now fast forward a few
years.
The treasurer comes back to the
committee, and tells them what a genius he is. Yes they have lost
money by borrowing at a high fixed rate when interest rates were
high, and they have since fallen (as we discussed above). However on
the plus side they have saved some money by not paying the insurance
premiums.
Now it might be that all councils are
okay with this way of making money. If we take this argument to it's
logical conclusion they probably shouldn't bother paying any kind of
insurance; after all insurance companies make a profit on it, so in
the extremely long run it would be the optimal thing to do.
They
should also boost their income by writing unhedged options contracts; which
in the long run is a money making strategy, since (technical note)
implied vol is normally above realised vol. Oh no, forgot, they
aren't allowed to do that – it's a derivatives trade (they can only do it when it's inside a LOBO deal, at which point it is no longer a derivative). They probably
aren't allowed to cancel all their insurance policies eithier.
In reality this treasurer would have been sacked. They've done two things wrong. They've got their forecast on interest rates completely wrong. And they've taken on a potential risk which they should have insured against and didn't.
However let's suppose I'm utterly
wrong. If LOBO's really have been so wonderful for local authorities
then they must also logically have been dud trades for banks. This
isn't the case eithier, and I'll explain that next.
6 -Banks have lost money on LOBOS
There are several ways to think about
this.
The first is extremely simple. If banks currently have stacks of unprofitable LOBO loans on their books, then why aren't council treasurers besieged by calls from banks
asking them if they would mind tearing up the trade, and the bank
will even pay them.
Are they receiving 'we are exercising our option
to cancel these ' letters? (which under the terms of the deal, they
can send at regular intervals). When council treasurers go to banks
and ask what the tear up fees will be on these deals, do the banks
say 'No, no, we'll pay you. Just get this stuff of our balance
sheet'. Is any of this happening?
Of course not. Even in the most
optimistic case in the example above the tear up cost for the deal
isn't going to be zero. The banks would be nuts to tear them up for nothing, or exercise their options, or pay the borrowers to walk away, when they would collect 1.7 to 2 million quid if the loan was cancelled at market value.
The second is slightly more
complicated. It is perfectly possible that the LOBO deal will be
showing a loss on the bank's balance sheet, even if it's not got a zero value, if the value has gone down. However these trades were hedged (to
be technical, both delta and vega hedged).
Remember
from above a LOBO is:
A- a
fixed rate loan at the PWLB rate, which was the correct rate for the
banks credit risk
B –
an annuity (which we can ignore since it effectively just makes the
fixed rate loan lower)
C- an
option that isn't a derivative.
The
hedge is:
X- an
interest rate swap (receiving fixed)
Y- a
sale of an interest rate
option
X
hedges A+B; and Y hedges C. The difference between the value of A+B+C
and X+Y is the banks profit Z. As we've established Z is a pretty
decent size.
Now
when interest rates fall (as they have done, refer back to picture
above) the value of A increases, whilst the value of B falls (for two
reasons, because the option is less likely to be exercised, and also
it loses some 'theta' – time value). Now it's extremely
unlikely that the first
effect is smaller than the second, at least at this point in the
trade, but let's just assume that it is, and the bank really has lost
money on the trade.
But
against that the value of X increases whereas the value of Y also
falls. The effect of this pretty much offsets the change in the value
of A and B. So Z remains roughly the same.
The bank hasn't lost money at all.
The
third is even more complex. I've been told that banks have had to
increase the discount rate on these loans, and the
capital requirements. This has made the loans lose value. However:
a) There are many types of trade that this has happened to; US 100% NINJA mortgages for example, that have now become impaired due to borrowers not being able to pay and house prices falling in value. Does this change that mean that the original deal wasn't seriously disadvantageous to the borrower at the time?
(b) I will believe it when I see it. It's not like the fall in value on the bank's balance sheet has been passed on to the borrowers as a windfall profit for them. And it won't be unless the borrower really can get the trades torn up at the new mark and somehow crystallise this additional value. And again; I haven't heard about that happening.
a) There are many types of trade that this has happened to; US 100% NINJA mortgages for example, that have now become impaired due to borrowers not being able to pay and house prices falling in value. Does this change that mean that the original deal wasn't seriously disadvantageous to the borrower at the time?
(b) I will believe it when I see it. It's not like the fall in value on the bank's balance sheet has been passed on to the borrowers as a windfall profit for them. And it won't be unless the borrower really can get the trades torn up at the new mark and somehow crystallise this additional value. And again; I haven't heard about that happening.
Summary
Ultimately what is going on here is
that someone has sold something (the option to cancel the loan) at a
price which apparently makes both the LA and the bank happy. For this
to work the option must be less valuable to the council than to the
bank. But the value of something is the same no matter who owns it
(we're not talking about modern art here). So more accurately we
should say eithier unkindly that the council doesn't understand the
value of the option; or that the council knows the value of the
option to be lower.
This would only make sense if they were
able to perfectly forecast interest rates; something the bank didn't
feel it could do.
And even then... let's go back to the imaginary meeting
I talked about earlier.
“No we don't need this insurance.
Because I know for a fact that interest rates are going to fall“
“So...” replies the switched on
councillor “Why don't we just borrow at a 1 year and keep refinancing rather than
doing this 50 year fixed rate?”
Good question.
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